EXHIBITS
The Secretes of the Reverende Mayster Alexis of Piemount: Construction of the Book
Construction of the Book
Physical Description:
Binding: The book is approximately 20.9 cm tall, 15.7 cm wide, and 4.2 cm thick. The cover is made out of calf leather wrapped around a press paper core. The binding is not original to the book, as the pressed cardboard core was not generally used until the early 18th century. The original binding would have most likely been leather (either calf or goat) stretched over a wooden board[1]. Still, the binding appears to be hand-made because upon examining the spine of the book, one of the raised bands is crooked. Also, this book has six cords to bind but only 5 showing as raised bands. The raised bands usually correspond to the thread used to bind the spine together. One of the binding cords has been worked so as to not show through the spine and disrupt the 6 paneled decoration. The cover is very plain on the front and back with only an imprinted gold double edging around the perimeter. The spine and the edges of the cover are another matter. The edges of the cover - including top, bottom, and sides - are imprinted with an alternating twist and flower pattern. The spine is a six paneled decoration separated by the raised bands. It alternates geometric and floral designs, leaving open one section for the book’s title, “Secretes of Alexis 1559.” All of this detail is done with the same imprinted gold work.
It is not clear whether both parts were bought and bound together or if the parts were bought by separate people and bound later by some subsequent owner. Having a book bound apart from the printing was a common practice. At the time, “buying a book was something of an event in a man’s life, calling for as much forethought as the buying of furniture for his house,” and the binding was chosen to indicate wealth and status[2]. One conclusion that can be made is that whoever originally purchased these parts would have taken care of them with an equally well made binding.
Paper: Inspection of the book’s contents reveal that it was printed by two different printers, approximately one year apart. The styles of printing differ in the details but the paper is very similar between the two. Paper of the day was made with either linen or cotton. Linen made a high grade, white paper; cotton made a more brownish paper and was used for cheaper printing and wrapping paper. Though the book has dulled over the time, the paper is still very white and is therefore probably high quality, linen paper. Inspection reveals closely spaced vertical (.1 cm apart) and more widely spaced horizontal (2.5 cm apart) indentations in the paper, especially on pages that were not worked as hard in the printing press (i.e. leading and trailing blank pages). This is left over from the making of the paper in which the linen pulp is pulled from a water bath and is flattened on a wire mesh. The water is then pressed out and then placed on strings to dry[3]. These indentations are not uniform throughout the book. Some are more prevalent than others. This reveals that the book is made up of papers from multiple sources that would have been hand-sorted to find the best paper. After inspecting the book, noted historian and authority on paper manufacturing Leonard Rosenband of Utah State University, concluded that the paper was imported, most likely French or Italian, and of very high quality[4].
Print: The print between the two books is uniform, and no significant fading of the ink has occurred. The used the same style of font, but in the second part the ink has bled through the pages more, which results in a fuzziness around the edges of the letters as well as the print showing more prominently on the page reverse. This could be explained with either the age of the typeface used or the moisture content of the paper or ink during printing.
The forging of type was as much an art as industry at the time, which made it very expensive and hard to come by. The best type was coming out of Normandy at the time, and there is some evidence that the first printer used at least one French typeface. In his publishers tag at the end of the first part he uses a double V in place of a W. In French and Latin the character W is not required, so a double V was commonly used. W’s were used throughout the rest of the type. This type could have been cut domestically; however, there is little evidence that type was being caste in bulk in England prior to the 17th century. The type was therefore most likely of French origin and the W’s a special order. Given that type is about 4 lbs. per square inch (it being made of lead), the shipping cost would have been considerable. The same type was therefore used throughout the career of a printer out of necessity. Type was even inherited from master to apprentice[5]. These factors suggest that the second printer could have been using older, more worn typeface.
The second issue may have been moisture in either the ink or the paper. The moisture content of a linen-based paper would have been heavily influenced by humidity in the air and could vary widely by the time of year or the weather. Manufacture of ink in the 15th and 16th centuries would have been done by the individual printers. It was an involved, multi-stage process requiring long hours of boiling oils, resins, and pigments together. Throughout this process the boiling would remove the water from the product as well as mix and chemically combine the ingredients. This boiling process would require precise heat control of the fire and a very experienced eye to know when it was just right. The inconsistency that would arise in such a process could be significant and directly correlate to the quality of the printing.
The reputation of John Kingston, as will be discussed more thoroughly later, was very high amongst printing circles. He was even listed among the original members of London’s most successful book making guild, the Stationers’ Company[6]. This would suggest that the quality of the printer should not be in doubt. Therefore, the combination of moisture in the paper and wear of the type would be the most likely cause of the bleed through and the fuzzy look to the type.
[1] Marjorie Plant, The English Book Trade (Great Britain: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1965), 211.
[2] Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 206.
[3] Leonard Rosenband, Papermaking in Eighteenth-Century France, (Baltimore, MD: John’s Hopkins University Press, 2000), 8-15.
[4] My thanks to Dr. Rosenband for his expert consultation of paper making and quality, Logan, Utah, April 2015
[5] Marjorie Plant, The English Book Trade, 173-177.
[6] Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 1476-1898 (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., Ltd), 101.
People:
Henry Sutton: Henry Sutton was a printer in London during the mid-16th century. His address is listed on the last page of the first part of the book as Paternoster rowe, at the sign of the blacke Moryan (or the sign of the black boy). He also had a shop at St. Paul’s Church-yard[1]. This was the main book selling quarter of the day and a very exclusive and expensive location to have a shop[2]. He was an original member of the Stationer’s Company and for a time was partners with the printer of the second part, John Kingston[3].
John Kingston: John Kingston (Jhon Kyngston) was a London area printer and, as noted before, an original member of the Stationers Company. He printed from the 1550’s into the early 1580’s. He had a shop at the West door of St. Paul’s Churchyard, and during the reign of Queen Mary, he and Henry Sutton formed a partnership. During this period they printed mostly religious books, of which Kingston was listed as printer. The partnership ended shortly after the death of Queen Mary[4]. The combination of the time period, book matter, and Kingston’s position as lead printer leads one to speculate if the arrangement was a way to avoid persecution on the part of Sutton. It could simply be an employer/ employee relationship but Sutton was listed independent of Kingston in the original Stationers Company Charter, and the wording of the information gathered suggests they were on a more equal footing with one another[5].
William Ward: (Wyllyam Warde, spelling in the first part) (1534-1609) William Ward was a physician and translator noted mostly for his position as physician to Elizabeth I and James I. He is also well known for his numerous translations of French books to English. Ward translated in total three parts of the ‘Secretes of Alexis,’ of which our book has the first and second parts bound together. After the first part was printed in 1558, a second mass printing was done with a significant dedication by Ward to the Earl of Bedford in 1559. The second part was translated and published in 1560, and the third part was published in 1662[6].
Nicholas England: It is curious to note that in the second part, Kingston specifically notes in his publisher’s tag, “Printed in London, by Jhon Kyngston: for Nicholas Englande.” Though this could be a dedication the wording, is not explicit enough, so it probably indicates a special order made by Nicholas Englande. There is not a lot of information about Nicholas Englande. He seems to be a man of some wealth because not only did he special order the second part, he also had a second book printed for him in 1560 from noted printer John Day[7].
[1] John Johnson, Typographia, 566.
[2] Marjorie Plant, The English Book Trade, 165.
[3] John Johnson, Typographia, 566.
[4] John Johnson, Typographia, 565.
[5] Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 102.
[6] Ronald Bayne, “William Ward.”
[7] Henry R. Plomer, A Short History of English Printing, 86.